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Above: The NATO Parliamentary Assembly’s Autumn Session in Stavanger

By Akaash Maharaj (St Edmund Hall, 1990)

Recently, the NATO Parliamentary Assembly invited me to address their Annual Session in Norway, in my capacity as CEO of the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption (GOPAC).  It was a remarkable experience, to be at the table during deliberations over war, peace, and the fate of nations.  But it was also unsettling.

Though many of my colleagues in international affairs regard me as being disreputably young, I am old enough to have witnessed the fall of the Berlin Wall.  I remember standing with other undergraduates in the Teddy Hall JCR, gathered around a television with unreliable reception, watching the last panels of the Wall crumble into the dust of history.

There was a shared dream in the quiet of that room, that we might be the first generation in memory to spend our adult lives free of the fear of global warfare.

I began my address in Norway reflecting on how quickly that had had to become a dream for another generation.NATO

Akaash Maharaj at NATO's Parliamentary Assembly in Stavanger

I spoke on what seemed like a distant question: drawing on the experience of Afghanistan, how should NATO conduct a future expeditionary campaign, which might be precipitated by an attack on one of its members?

Within one month, the terrorist attacks on Paris would give those deliberations a terrible new urgency.

The lessons of Afghanistan were purchased at a bitter cost: the war claimed more lives, more years, and more money than any other campaign in NATO's history.  Unless the alliance takes those lessons to heart, a war in Syria and Iraq to extinguish Daesh – the self-styled “Islamic State” – will be worse.

In my view, the gravest mistake NATO made in Afghanistan was to confuse allies for friends, to believe that those who fought with us against the Taliban would be trustworthy partners in reconstruction of the country.  Worse still were the efforts to appease those allies by allowing them free rein as they pillaged the state.  Ultimately, the warlords of the Karzai regime were as much murderous fundamentalists as the Taliban, only greed was their god.

Kabul, Afghanistan, view from the surrounding mountain

Maharaj argues that NATO must learn the lessons of Afghanistan before advancing against Daesh 

More broadly, NATO states confused having a common reason for war, with having a common objective in war.  The alliance was certainly united in its conviction that the 2011 Al-Qaeda attack on the World Trade Centre demanded a military response.  However, this clarity of impetus obscured deep differences in goals.

Was the objective of the war to deny Al-Qaeda use of Afghanistan as a base of operations for future attacks?  Was it to destroy the Taliban?  Was it to disrupt terrorist networks sprawling across borders?  Was it to rescue the Afghan people from humanitarian catastrophe?  Was it to satisfy a craving for justice?  Was it to meet the minimum requirements of treaties and public sentiment?

At different stages of the campaign, different NATO governments embraced different ends, and it became increasingly difficult for the alliance’s citizens to recognise what “victory” would look like, and when it would be time to call their troops home.

After my address, my GOPAC colleague French Senator Joëlle Garriaud-Maylam asked me to meet with her fellow legislators in France’s parliament.  It was important to continue the discussion, so that if, at some point in the unforeseeable future, NATO states had to reply to an attack on one of its members, the alliance would be ready to take sober, considered decisions.

A few weeks later, 129 people lay dead in the streets of Paris.

The future waits upon no one’s pleasure.  The only question is whether we learn from the past.

In any military campaign against Daesh, how will we identify effective allies on the ground, who are less pernicious than our common enemy?  How will we ensure that neither chaos nor tyranny fill the vacuum left after a successful campaign?  Whom will Syrians be able to trust to rebuild their country? A woman walks near a house in the city of Homs

States who opt to train the local resistance will face a difficult choice over equipping those fighters.  Trained but unarmed, they would be of no use to anyone.  Trained and armed, they may eventually turn their weapons against us, as the Taliban did after the war with the Soviet Union.

States who opt to participate in a bombing campaign will have to set imponderable metrics, to assess their effectiveness in a war that no one believes can be won from the air.

States who opt to deploy ground troops will need to ask themselves how long their own populations will support the campaign, if Daesh continues to burn prisoners of war alive, as they did with the Jordanian pilot Muath al-Kasasbeh.

The most difficult question of all will be that of our ultimate objective.  What does it mean to defeat an enemy that numbers in the tens of thousands, and that will stab at us while even one draws breath?  How will a campaign in Syria and Iraq diminish Daesh attacks in the west, when European citizens have been the perpetrators?  How can we be victorious against an enemy infatuated with martyrdom?

People lay flowers at the French Embassy in Kiev i
We can not come to an accommodation with an adversary whose purpose is our annihilation.  We can not use deterrence against an adversary that wants to die.  

But an effective military strategy requires more than just a willingness to unleash force; it also demands political integrity, honest objectives, and a focus on long-term outcomes. 

NATO states face a twenty-first century Judgement of Paris.  Our reason, and not just our passion, must be equal to the test.

Images © NATO and Shutterstock

Comments

By David Greenslade
on

With powerful figures in the U.S.A. sending out disquieting messages, one can only hope these questions are addressed there: many educated Americans would recognise the importance of them. Solutions can only be found if sociologists and psychologists are brought into the arena, especially from the problem countries. A postgraduate student in science said to me that the removal of Saddam Hussein would be good but " don't let those Shias take control!". We have seen just that and the extremist insurgence as a result. This is a good article for starting a debate.

By Prof. Richard M...
on

Fine words and fine sentiments, to be sure. But what exactly do you propose that NATO do in this situation? Questions make for very poor premises in arguments, as they have no truth-value. It is only answers to those questions that are the least bit of good. So, let's hear what your answers are to the very questions you raise, and where you think those answers lead in the way of policy and actions.

By Marcus Han
on

"Our reason, and not just our passion, must be equal to the test." An excellent conclusion to profound analysis. It's a pity that we do not see more of this sort of insight in parliament.

By Nick Hudson (Tr...
on

A brilliantly succinct statement of the problem. "How can we be victorious against an enemy infatuated with martyrdom?" What is the solution? Christianity, too, has been infatuated with martyrdom, but I don't think that even tha Spanish Inquisition, with its hideous auta da fe, suggested that God would condone, still less reward, the random killing of innocents in His name. I cannot imagine thar Allah would, either, and it should not be too difficult to promote this as the truth.

By RH Findlay (SEH...
on

My understanding of the situation in Afghanistan is that the Carter Administration funded and armed the Afghan muhajideen in 1979 to destabilise a USSR-friendly regime, following which the USSR in early 1980 sent in what constituted an armed invasion. The Taleban and Al Quaeda were the end result.

The mess we have now in Afghanistan and the Middle East is the result of the continuation by the USA and the former USSR of the "Great Game" of the 1800s, and includes also a contribution from the disastrous partitioning of the Middle East in 1919-1920. What perhaps we should learn from the present shambles, and perhaps should have learnt earlier from the USA's war in Vietnam, is that it is time "great power" meddling for imperial gain is no longer appropriate behaviour for the tightly interconnected and over-armed world we now live in. Cooperation and collaboration, despite our surficial cultural differences, is the only option left for our now-global civilisation. This had been recognised in the late 1940s with the creation of the United Nations organisation, but is being ignored increasingly, and seemingly deliberately, to the detriment of all. As Churchill once put it, "Jaw, jaw is better than war, war".

By Adil Jussawalla
on

A thoughful piece, but the attack on the World Trade Center didn't happen in 2011. Please correct.

By Julian Roach
on

Pace Prof M, but it should be quite clear that Mr Maharaj does not confuse questions with premises. Like Socrates, on the other hand, he may consider that asking the right questions is, just possibly, a useful method of reaching useful premises. Political mechanics, however, almost ensures that we ask - and certainly provide answers to - only the questions that prompt the answers we are already emotionally committed to. Do otherwise and we are sure to be called 'wobbly', weak and undecided, which all mean political death. We bomb because that is what we happen to be able and equipped to do and it feels like 'strength', rather than because it is what is best to do, and so shape the questions accordingly. Mr Maharaj performs a service if all he does is to promote the consideration of tougher questions in councils where, typically, only tougher answers have seemed seductive. He is right in saying, in different words, that NATO and the US have repeatedly fallen into the trap of the old fallacy that says my enemy's enemy is my friend. European members of NATO should be asking whether their Big Best Friend has not, in fact, for many decades been their enemy. We are struggling to contain a blaze that is the disastrous backdraft of US policy, from the assassination of Mossadegh onwards, via Shock and Awe to Guantanamo.

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